Hong Kong's Changing Tides: Freedom and Democracy in High Water

China's military fire a barrage of missiles into the waters surrounding Taiwan.

These military drills can serve to significantly
intimidate Taiwan's separatist aspirations.

In August, China released its first white paper on the "Taiwan question" in over 2 decades, in which it refused to rule out the use of force in the face of external interference against its goal of peaceful reunification.

Beijing is increasingly employing show of force to change the status quo.

Today's authoritarian regimes are no longer shy to make their influence felt, and are showing their willingness to shake up the existing world order.

Hong Kong has undergone drastic social change in just a few short years, as China's central government tightens its grip on the territory.

Under Beijing's "one country, two systems" policy, freedom of speech and assembly had previously been assured in the territory.

The special protected status was supposed to be maintained for 50 years following the handover of Hong Kong from British rule, but the reality has shifted dramatically.

In 2020, the Chinese government introduced a "national security law" for Hong Kong, criminalizing acts such as promoting secession or undermining the authority of the central government.

Freedom of speech and assembly have been severely restricted, leading to the arrests of many ordinary citizens, as well as journalists and lawmakers.

Educational changes aimed at nurturing patriotic affinity for China have also been introduced.

Schools are now obliged to display the Chinese national flag.

We must ensure that Hong Kong is
governed only by patriots.

As Beijing tightens its grip, it's also been striving to address Hong Kong's significant wealth gap and housing inequality.

The aim is to win the hearts of Hong Kongers with a national strategy to develop Hong Kong and the mainland as one.

We've wasted 25 years since the handover.
Hong Kong is finally making a fresh start.

The bonds that unite us are
as strong as steel.

Hong Kong society has undergone changes unimaginable just a few short years ago.

As China continues to tighten the reins, it's getting ever harder for the rest of the world to observe what is going on inside the territory.

Those ordinary Hong Kong citizens who demonstrated for freedom and democracy...

what are their thoughts and feelings, and how is life for them now under Beijing's stricter controls?

As the tide of history turns in Hong Kong, we peer into the depths of the changes transforming every aspect of society.

Hong Kong is home to some seven and a half million people, packed into an area about half that of Tokyo.

A century and a half under British rule has led the city's inhabitants and institutions to adopt many Western values.

Since the territory was handed back to China 25 years ago, Hong Kong has enjoyed a "high degree of autonomy" under Beijing's "one country, two systems" policy.

This was Hong Kong three years ago: the city center adorned with a multitude of colorful sticky notes.

They held messages of mutual encouragement, like "Protect Hong Kong!" and "Hang in there, Hong Kongers!"

At the time, there was a growing movement among residents to defend Hong Kong's identity.

At one point, the number of demonstrators on a single day reportedly swelled to some two million, or more than one in four Hong Kongers.

Just two years later though, and protesters were nowhere to be seen on the streets.

The myriad messages that bedecked the city's walls and walkways have completely disappeared.

On this 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's handover,
let's start the celebrations!

How are Hong Kongers coping in the midst of such rapid, unprecedented change?

Let us be sure to hold dear, both our beloved city
and our beloved country.

For the sake of China's peaceful reunification,
and for the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong.

A cruise boat party is held to mark the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's return from British rule.

Many of the gathering's participants are so-called "new immigrants," mainland Chinese who moved to Hong Kong following the handover in search of business opportunities.

There are an estimated 1.4 million "new immigrants," accounting for nearly a fifth of Hong Kong's current population.

Mr. Zeng Xiaohui of the China Times!

One such "new immigrant" is Zeng Xiaohui.

He runs the Hong Kong based "China Times," a news media outlet catering to both a Hong Kong and Chinese mainland readership.

You'll find a newspaper in your gift packs.
It's my newspaper.

Please allow me to make
a little sales pitch.

A significant proportion of the China Times' readers are "new immigrants," and most of its sponsors are companies from the mainland.

Zeng is trying to protect his business' independence even amid China's growing political presence in Hong Kong.

I've raised this newspaper like my own child.

I want it to grow freely in Hong Kong.

We're all in the same boat.

Even I, as president, don't know where
the national security law's red lines really lie.

Zeng explains that since Hong Kong's national security law came into force, the authorities have contacted him frequently.

In spite of tightening controls on the media, he's been fighting hard for the survival of his newspaper.

Welcome Mr. Liu! Please come in.

Zeng has sought the advice of a prominent political commentator with strong Beijing connections to help him update his editorial policy.

I'm worried about press freedom
in Hong Kong, too.

I sent my article to a major media outlet
in Hong Kong at 3:02 pm, and received a reply rejecting it at 3:06 pm!

It seems just reading the title scared them off.
They didn't have the courage to post it.

Where do you think the red line is?

Avoid unreasonable anti-government rhetoric
like "Hong Kong's independence".

There's always a way around it,
if you think carefully.

Zeng has decided to remove some 200 articles covering popular demonstrations from his news website.

The authorities informed me that past articles
should also be deleted.

I really shouldn't be talking about this.

While keeping a finger on the pulse of government directives, Zeng feels one particular topic is too important to censor for his readership:

The Tiananmen Square incident that took place in Beijing on June 4th, 1989.

The military used lethal force to suppress student protesters demanding democratic reforms, leaving many dead or wounded.

Protests at the time were not limited to Beijing, and Zeng experienced the crackdown by authorities first hand at Nanjing University,

where he himself was a student.

I joined the demonstrations together
with my classmates.

Some of them were convicted,
or simply disappeared.

I couldn't write the truth when I was
on the mainland.

At the time, the Hong Kong public held a rally of some one million strong to show their support for young people in China, and their hope for a more democratic future for the country.

Even after the Tiananmen Square incident was made a taboo topic on the mainland, people in Hong Kong kept talking about it,

referring to the event by the moniker "six-four" or June 4th.

Zeng was a frequent visitor to Hong Kong's civic-run June 4th Museum.

After visiting the museum, we were all
lost for words and shed tears.

This was a movement I myself
took part in.

People will never forget.

Every year on June 4th, tens of thousands of ordinary citizens would gather to mourn the victims and call on the Chinese government to reassess the incident.

For many people, talking about June 4th became a symbol of freedom of speech in Hong Kong.

The countless candles lit at the annual memorial represented people's determination for freedom.

Most Hong Kong citizens want to
mark their sorrow.

June 4th will always be a painful time
for me too.

But what exactly is the national security law that has sent such shockwaves through Hong Kong society really about?

In June 2020, the Chinese government enacted a sweeping new piece of legislation commonly referred to as the "Hong Kong national security law."

The law defines four categories of criminal act that endanger national security: secession, subversion of state power, terrorist activities, and collusion with a foreign power.

Violators face harsh penalties, that can include life imprisonment.

But with no clear indication of what precise activities or conduct would be subject to the crackdown, citizens have become increasingly wary.

We will not stop fighting for democracy.

Young people came to symbolize Hong Kong's pro-democracy movement.

After the national security law came into force, significant numbers of young activists were arrested.

A legally binding oath of loyalty to Beijing has also become a requirement for those in public office in Hong Kong.

District Council members and civil servants can now be removed from office and face criminal penalties if they are deemed to have been disloyal to the central government.

"I will uphold the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special
Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China."

Hong Kong's long-standing school curriculum is also being forced to change.

"Liberal studies" had been a core subject for senior secondary school pupils since 2009.

Classes covered a wide range of issues and sought to develop students' social awareness.

How about deciding electoral system reform
through a vote among all citizens?

But in 2021, such classes were discontinued.

In their place have come lessons and activities designed to nurture patriotism.

Schools are now also required to fly the Chinese national flag.

Acts such as calling for Hong Kong's independence
violate the Basic Law.

The national security law is now taught to primary school children as young as six.

Students learn that disrupting the country's governance is a serious crime.

It's important to have a Chinese identity
and a sense of belonging to China.

I hope the class will help students think about
what they can do for the country.

Why is Beijing taking such a systematic approach to reining in Hong Kong?

A China policy expert who belongs to an organization that advises the government in Beijing explains.

We should be able to gradually eliminate the
prejudice and resistance Hong Kongers hold...

toward the Chinese Communist Party
the Chinese people, and the homeland.

Hong Kong and the mainland will grow
ever closer, eventually becoming inseparable.

This will result in an increased sense of
belonging to China among Hong Kong citizens.

Since the national security law came into force in Hong Kong, journalists reporting on pro-democracy activists have come under severe scrutiny by the authorities.

This man is a former reporter for Apple Daily, the Hong Kong newspaper famously critical of Beijing.

Just over a month after the national security law came into effect, authorities raided Apple Daily's editorial office.

If you obstruct the investigation
you will be arrested.

Senior editors and executives, including the founder, were arrested, with violations of the national security law among the charges.

The newspaper was eventually forced to shut down.

I thought society could only progress.
I never imagined us going backwards...

And certainly not at such a fast rate.

On this day, we followed Cai, the former Apple Daily reporter, as he caught up with a fellow journalist who'd also recently lost his media job.

- Are you working alone?
- Yes, I started it up all by myself.

While Cai had given up on continuing his career in journalism, his friend has launched an online news platform on his own initiative.

If I ask myself if I can continue as a reporter, whether working in mainstream media
or independently...

I really doubt I have what it takes
to operate on my own. There's no way.

Many of the reporters who lost their jobs at Apple Daily appear to be hesitant to seek new work in the media.

Cai has been making ends meet going from one job to another, from tourist guide to restaurant worker.

I've been coping better than I expected.

I'd assumed I'd have to rely on alcohol
just to get through each day.

Having tried other jobs now, I feel I might still
achieve something with the rest of my life.

It feels like my life's become a little fuller.

As various media outlets closed down, the Hong Kong Journalists Association served as a last resort for reporters who suddenly found themselves out of work.

Membership has more than halved from the 900 or so registered before the national security law was introduced.

Ronson Chan, who heads the association, is also one of the many who have lost their former media employer.

Facing increasing pressure, he's now worried about the association's very survival.

The association has been criticized repeatedly by pro-Beijing news publications.

"Dissolve or face a crackdown."

We should be alarmed. The police are trying
to crush us with the national security law.

When huge demonstrations swept across Hong Kong, Chan stood on the frontlines between protesters and authorities.

Back down.

You're treating media personnel improperly.

I demand an explanation.

As the mass rallies persisted, Chan continued to relay the voice of the people out on the streets.

Hong Kongers would always make way for us,
showing their support.

When they saw I was a reporter, they'd call out
and bring me food and water.

Journalists are often called the "people's pen",
while our cameras can act as eyes.

Back then, I felt my camera was so important,
a thought that doesn't usually occur to me.

Authorities raided the office of the online media outlet Chan worked for, forcing it to close.

Since then, he's been earning a living doing freelance work for video streaming sites.

Chan is now expected to create the kind of content that simply attracts views and likes, rather than pursuing anything truly newsworthy.

- Do you speak Cantonese?
- Yes.

- Why did you come here?
- To celebrate this great day.

These days, Chan avoids any confrontation with authorities, and is no longer in a position to hear or give voice to citizens' concerns.

It's not that I don't want to take risks, but I'm worried that making any further
political statements...

could land me behind bars.

Chan is concerned the authorities might soon come after the Journalists Association itself, in spite of its role as a last resort for reporters who've lost their jobs.

Chan has begun to consider the option of preemptively disbanding the association.

The association could be the authorities'
next target, so I worry if I should dissolve it.

But if it came to that, I'd feel bad
for my fellow journalists.

I'd also feel sorry for letting down society as
a whole for failing to save our journalists.

Zeng Xiaohui of the China Times is trying to ensure his newspaper's survival under the national security law.

To that end, there is someone he's seeking to deepen ties with.

The chairman is an entrepreneur.

He is close to the Fujian provincial government
and holds a high position in Hong Kong, too.

The man he's meeting today is a fellow "new immigrant" and a heavyweight in Hong Kong's business circles, with strong mainland connections.

Zeng hopes to send a clear signal about the paper's political stance by carrying his interview article.

He reports accurately on social issues.

I support the China Times.

To your good health.

Zeng is endeavoring to take proactive steps before Beijing further strengthens its grip.

He's a powerful supporter, so that gives me
peace of mind.

He provides us with major moral and
financial support.

He's made donations toward our events, too.

Zeng is planning an art exhibition to help assist Beijing's efforts in strengthening ties between the mainland and Hong Kong.

We're even getting some assistance
from the government.

Officials have promised to provide art experts
from the university.

But there's an unexpected turn of events just as preparations get into full swing.

The exhibition site operator has examined the plans in detail and has now provided minute instructions on everything from event participants to the wording of banners.

We've never received such detailed
instructions before.

We've always designed our own posters and banners,
we just made sure they didn't violate any terms.

But now everything needs prior approval.

Zeng has been careful to adhere to the national security law, an issue he deems his top priority.

But he never imagined he'd face such stiff controls.

How will such restrictions affect
Hong Kong's future?

I really have no clue.

Distinguished figures from Hong Kong's political and business circles attend the event.

I like this work.

The artist is from Guangzhou.

In his youth, Zeng experienced first-hand Beijing's crackdown on free speech following the Tiananmen Square incident.

Today, he is trying to play it safe to protect the China Times.

We've always kept our finger on the pulse
of any changing tides, in Hong Kong's law or society.

We know when to obey the authorities.

Any major society has its rules and restrictions.

The Chinese government is providing economic assistance to win Hong Kongers' support, even as it tightens the screws on freedom of expression under the national security law.

Hong Kong's decades of immense prosperity have left it with a widening wealth gap.

Hong Kong's government reports that 1.65 million residents now live in poverty, struggling to meet expenses or find affordable housing.

I sometimes feel it would be easier
to just throw myself off a building.

Beijing is working on a vast, state-run project, dubbed the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao "Greater Bay Area," that seeks to develop Hong Kong and its surrounding regions in an integrated way.

The world's longest sea crossing, connecting Hong Kong and the mainland, has already been completed.

It has shortened travel time from over four hours to just a 45-minute drive.

The Chinese government claims the sea bridge will help accelerate the integration of Hong Kong with the mainland, invigorating the territory's economy in the process.

Exchanges and cooperation between Hong Kong
and the mainland will expand, providing more business opportunities
to our fellow countrymen in Hong Kong.

Many in Hong Kong hope that the Greater Bay Area project can help accelerate the territory's development.

I want to make inroads not just in Hong Kong
but in the Greater Bay Area as a whole.

Access to the larger market will allow us
to boost production.

Expectations are riding particularly high in the northern part of Hong Kong, which has till now been largely left behind in terms of economic development.

Fish farming can no longer bring in
sufficient income...

to pay off debts and feed my family.

Across the water looms the modern metropolis of Shenzhen, a city the Chinese government has long nurtured as a special economic zone and global technology hub.

Not long ago it was Hong Kong's prosperity that made mainlanders jealous.

Today though, Hong Kongers are the ones gazing in awe at the unprecedented development right on their doorstep.

On this side it's still a wasteland.

I've sat here and cried plenty of times.

What a difference from the mainland.

Our country has made persistent progress.
We're now the world's second-largest economy.

The people of Hong Kong need to start
reaping the benefits.

The central government plans to help boost the assistance provided to Hong Kong's poor.

This member of the Legislative Council has long devoted his efforts to supporting Hong Kong's welfare initiatives.

Hello.

This is for you.

An increasing number of people in Hong Kong are having to share an apartment between multiple families.

Many young people are also struggling to pay rent, and have lost hope for their future, a tremendous and looming social problem.

Their wages are too low to pay
the high rents available.

Hong Kong is a capitalist economy,
where everything is decided by market forces.

China's central government has been helping to construct affordable housing.

Eighteen hundred units were completed in Hong Kong just last year.

Michael Tien hopes that with Beijing's closer oversight, Hong Kong can make some long-awaited advances in social welfare policy.

The mainland is giving its youth opportunities
to advance themselves.

They are landing the jobs they want.

They don't focus on democracy or freedom.

We've wasted 25 years since the handover.
It's time for Hong Kong to make a fresh start.

Change is sweeping through Hong Kong's social fabric as Beijing's influence deepens, with dissenting voices largely silenced.

More Hong Kongers today seem to be willing to sing China's praises.

The internet is awash with videos in which self-proclaimed key opinion leaders, often council members or intellectuals, advocate Chinese rule in Hong Kong as just.

I believe a better future awaits Hong Kong
if we follow President Xi's guidance.

More people are keeping an eye out on their neighbors for violations of the national security law.

Authorities have set up a website where civilians can report such infractions.

It has already received over 280,000 tipoffs.

Beijing's censorship has also been extended to mention of the Tiananmen Square incident, which Hong Kongers have long vowed to commemorate.

In September 2021, police raided the June 4th Museum, confiscating the displays that included victims' belongings.

The museum has been closed since June 2021.

Senior members of a citizens group that hosted memorial events were also arrested, forcing the group to disband.

Increasing pressure from the authorities has led reporter Ronson Chan to consider the previously unthinkable option of disbanding the Hong Kong Journalists Association.

Chan has decided to seek advice from foreign reporters on how best to navigate the national security law.

If you only watch TV programs on news that was normal as before, you won't feel what had changed.

But for us, the journalists understood that the change is, is changing every day.

The law can, in theory, be applied irrespective of nationality or place of residence.

The chair of the Foreign Correspondents' Club, an American, advised Chan that he has no option but to steer clear of risks while authorities continue to clamp down.

I think there is still things we can do here, but again we have to do it within the law.

We always obey the law and we have to know when we can be smart about it.

And again, we have to know when we can navigate the red line.

Chan has been feeling a growing sense of threat around him.

He suddenly pauses in the middle of the street...

He says that recently he often senses someone watching or following him.

That car must be keeping an eye on me.

It sure is.

They might be here to arrest me.

Many of my friends and colleagues who were
active in politics are now in jail.

I live a normal life and have a car.

I can also afford some modest luxuries.
Materially, I couldn't ask for more.

I might feel down at times, but in today's Hong Kong that's really
quite insignificant.

June 4th, 2022, marked the 33rd anniversary of the Tiananmen Square incident.

For Zeng Xiaohui, who's been reaching out to influential figures as he seeks to protect his newspaper amid Beijing's crackdown, the day holds particular poignancy.

Observing events, his emotions have been stirred.

The streets are filled with police
questioning people.

They are ramping up pressure
to stop us marking the day.

People used to go to the memorial event
with their children, to pass on the memories to the next generation.

But since the new security law,
fewer reports come out about Tiananmen.

I'm trying to figure out how we should report it.

Zeng heads out alone to the park that used to host the memorial event.

"Proceed to the sidewalk without stopping."

Police surround a man visiting the site with flowers for the victims.

Members of the public have come up with creative ways to mark the day without explicitly violating the law.

Police have sealed off the park that used to be packed with people each year, blocking any attempt to enter.

Undeterred though, Zeng has still decided to run an article on the June 4th memorial.

It simply describes how the day went.

But the fact that his paper is running the article means a lot to him.

We still have freedom in Hong Kong.

But sadly many friends left in search of
freedom and democracy.

People hold their thoughts and principles inside,
even though they may appear submissive.

China is my home country, and Hong Kong
my hometown. I wish a good future for both.

Ronson Chan, still undecided about whether to dissolve the journalists association, was determined to see for himself how the day would unfold this year.

In the evening, when there were few people around, he came to a spot overlooking the park that used to host the memorial.

He pulled out his cellphone with the image of a lit candle on its screen.

Finally, Chan cried out into the dark, night sky.

We will not forget.

People will not forget.

People will not forget.

Unlike water, freedom and democracy
are not essential for our lives.

But I seek them desperately.

I want to do all I can as conditions allow.

I'm determined to do everything I can.

Chan eventually decided to continue leading the journalists association and to strive for its survival.

A month later, a ceremony was held to mark the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's return from Britain to China.

President Xi Jinping himself was among the attendees.

President Xi stressed that the international community had recognized China's rule of Hong Kong as a success.

The national security law and
electoral changes have ensured...

the implementation of the principle of
patriots governing Hong Kong.

China has not been shy to use force as it bolsters its rule over the former British colony.

What will the turning tide bring to the people of Hong Kong, and what will it take away?

Hong Kongers, whatever their personal views, will be anxious to see what the future holds.